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September 2008
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Campaign Finance


May 23, 2008

Obscure public agency lines pockets of private businesses
Brian Joseph of the Orange County Register investigated the California Statewide Communities Development Authority, a public agency founded to finance "projects of public value." The agency "issued about $4.2 billion in tax free bonds in 2007, ranking behind only the states of California, Ohio and New York." Analysis of financial documents showed that much of that money has gone to benefit private businesses.
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May 20, 2008

PAC spends millions on fundraising, little on candidates
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution's Cameron McWhirter and Megan Clarke report that former Congressman Bob Barr's political action committee has raised $4.3 million since 2003 to promote conservative candidates and causes, primarily at the national level. But the PAC gave only $125,200 — about three cents of every dollar raised — to federal candidates and other campaign committees. The fund spent more than $710,000 on administrative costs, including salary for Barr's son Derek, and $3.3 million to raise more money. Barr did not answer questions about claims in his latest fund-raising letter that do not appear to be supported by the committee's records.
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May 13, 2008

McCain losing business donors to Democratic nominees
Bloomberg's Jonathan D. Salant reports that John McCain is struggling to connect with the business donors who helped bankroll George W. Bush's candidacy. "Employees from the securities, construction, pharmaceutical and energy industries, who accounted for about a tenth of Bush's money in 2004, are turned off by his record and giving more to his Democratic rivals, Senators Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama."
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May 01, 2008

Congressional campaign committees peddling access to conventions
Ken Dilanian, of USA TODAY, reports members of the Congressional campaign committees are selling access to this summer's political conventions in return for campaign contributions. This exploits a loophole in the ethics law meant to reduce special interests' influence on members of Congress. "House Democrats are offering a 'premier package' at the Aug. 25-28 Denver convention that includes a ticket to a party honoring Speaker Nancy Pelosi. The ethics law forbids lobbyist-sponsored convention parties honoring one lawmaker — but it doesn't apply to convention events that are fundraisers."
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April 16, 2008

Obama's fundraising linked to law lobbyists
Despite claims that he hasn't taken money from lobbyists, Senator Barack Obama's fundraising efforts have been linked to Washington lobbyists according to USA TODAY's analysis of campaign finance data. Ken Dilanian reports that his fundraising team include "38 members of law firms that were paid $138 million last year to lobby the federal government, records show." Of those 38 lawyers, 31 are partners at their respective firms and "typically receive a share of their firm's lobbying fees. At least six of them have some managerial authority over lobbyists."
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February 11, 2008

"Special Access"
Ken Dilanian of USA Today used invitations, interviews and FEC records to compile a partial list of lobbyist-hosted fundraisers for DC politicians. Other fundraisers take place at private residences in DC owned by lobbyists. The story illustrates how lobbyists and politicians have found ways to skirt the laws banning gifts to lawmakers. "USA TODAY counted more than 400 congressional fundraisers at lobbyist-, corporate- or labor-owned Capitol Hill facilities last year through November, benefiting 214 lawmakers — 40% of Congress." The web package includes an interactive graphic and a database mapping the fundraisers, including information who benefited from the event.
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February 04, 2008

Foreign lobbyist among top fundraisers for Clinton, McCain
A joint investigation by the Center for Investigative Reporting and ABCNews.com found that top fundraisers for both the Clinton and McCain presidential campaigns lobby for foreign governments, and have facilitated meetings between their clients and the senators. "Professor James A.Thurber of American University says that in the case of foreign lobbying, scrutiny is 'even more critical because it has such an impact on relations between nations.' If the candidate is elected, 'the fundraiser is certainly going to be welcome in the White House, more so than people they don't know, to pitch for a specific interest,' says Thurber, who heads the university's Center for Congressional and Presidential Studies." Included in the report is a graphic outlining the "web of influence."
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January 31, 2008

Disclosures show DA dines and drinks with campaign funds
An investigation by John O'Brien of The Post-Standard (Syracuse, N.Y.) discovered Onondaga County District Attorney Bill Fitzpatrick has used $11,633 of his campaign funds for dining and entertainment. His campaign paid the bill 49 times in 2006 and 2007 at restaurants and bars from Portland, Ore. to Amelia Island, Fla., spending far more than other district attorneys' campaigns across the state on food and drink. The story examined campaign finance disclosures that Fitzpatrick had previously not itemized until the newspaper exposed the violation of state election law.
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January 15, 2008

Business interests throw money into ballot referendum on growth
A two-part series in the Jacksonville Business Journal looked into the business behind the fight over a ballot initiative will determine how Florida grows. By building his own database, reporter Mark Szakonyi was able to determine who was funding each side and how the battle for paid petition gatherers was influencing the issue.
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January 10, 2008

Bundlers problematic for candidates
Following the news of fugitive Norman Hsu fundraising for Hillary Clinton's campaign, a Center for Investigative Reporting investigation for Politico finds new examples of presidential candidates relying on fundraisers with questionable backgrounds. A fundraiser for Mitt Romney was recently suspended from practicing law. A backer of Barack Obama defaulted on loans. A bundler for Rudy Giuliani was once accused of sexual harassment. And a Clinton fundraiser was barred from contracting for violating labor laws.
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November 26, 2007

New York's political "odd couple"
A Newsday investigation delves into the long history between former New York City Mayor and current GOP presidential hopeful Rudy Giuliani, and New York State democratic senator Chuck Schumer. The connections, which benefited both men politically, span everything from Giuliani's appointment of Schumer's wife to his mayoral cabinet, to the two politicians' collaboration on the 1994 crime bill. Reporter Tom Brune also looked at campaign finance data and found that Schumer was receiving donations from some powerful New York Republicans.
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October 30, 2007

Campaign finance reform spawning young donors
Donors are skirting campaign finance laws by making campaign contributions in their young children's names according to a report by Matthew Mosk of The Washington Post. "Although campaign finance laws set a limit of $2,300 per donor per campaign, they do not explicitly bar donors based on age. And young donors abound in the fundraising reports filed by presidential contenders this year." Contributions from donors identifing themselves as "students" have risen significantly in the last several years, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. Students gave $338,464 in the first six months of 2000, compared to $1,967,111 this year.
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Earmarks added $11.8 billion to defense bill
The Seattle Times kicked off an occasional series on Congressional earmarks, the companies that benefit and the political fundraising connected to the pork projects. David Heath and Hal Bernton report that, after months of collecting and checking data from press releases and campaign finance reports, they were able to "tie about half of the 2,700 earmarks in the 2007 defense spending bill to members of Congress." The estimated cost of the defense bill's add-ons: $11.8 billion.
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August 31, 2007

Fugative fundraiser has been hiding in plain sight
Chuck Neubauer and Robin Fields of the Los Angeles Times report that Norman Hsu, a fugitive for over a decade, has been hiding in plain sight as a prominent Democratic fundraiser. Fifteen years ago, Hsu pleaded no contest to charges of grand theft agreeing to serve up to three years in prison. His identity was confirmed this week by his lawyer, who claimed Hsu had no recollection a plea that included prison time. As a top-tier fundraiser, Hsu "is credited with donating nearly $500,000 to national and local party candidates and their political committees in the last three years" and has been a significant contributor to Hillary Clinton's campaign.
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August 13, 2007

Chavez family's fundraising scrutinized
Linda Chavez, Bush's failed nominee for Labor Secretary, and members of her immediate family control political action committees and non-profit political foundations with names like the Republican Issues Committee, the Latino Alliance, Stop Union Political Abuse and the Pro-Life Campaign Committee, which quietly raised more than $24.5 million from January 2003 to December 2006. Matthew Mosk of The Washington Post reports that, as little as one percent of the PAC money was passed on to politicians or independent political activity. Most of the money, solicited from small donors via telemarketing and direct mail campaigns, went to fundraising costs; the organizations also paid overhead expenses and salaries for Chavez family members.
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July 24, 2007

Without limitations, campaing cash spent freely in Oregon
The Oregonian's Ryan Kost reports that Oregon lawmakers chose not to place limitations on how campaign money could be spent despite promised campaign finance ethics reforms. Two proposed laws limiting how campaign contributions could be spent were never passed, thus it remains legal to spend campaign monies on other things - from candy to airfare. "The Oregonian reviewed the more than 2,000 self-reported expenses legislators made between Jan. 8 and June 28, when the Legislature was in session. About one-fourth of the money spent -- $160,000 -- went to campaign-related expenses such as ads, mailers and polling; the remaining $415,000 went to expenses that seemed to be more closely tied to their legislative duties."
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July 05, 2007

Nonprofit subsidizes Schwartenegger's lavish travel
Paul Pringle of the Los Angeles Time reports that much of Gov. Arnold Schwartzenegger's travel is billed to "an obscure nonprofit group that can qualify its secret donors for full tax deductions." Not only do watchdogs claim these write-offs are "abuse of tax codes," but they also create a loophole to limits on campaign finance contributions since charities are not governed by disclosure rules and donors can contribute an unlimited amount.
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January 04, 2007

Campaign Consultants: The Price of Democracy
The Center for Public Integrity investigated campaign spending for the 2003-2004 federal elections and found that the majority of the money being spent on campaigns is going to campaign consultants. In the 2003-2004 election cycle, approximately 600 consultants were paid $1.85 billion, with 65% of that money going to media consultants.
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December 20, 2006

Contributions might violate city ordinance
In a computer-assisted analysis of campaign contributions, Matt Stiles and Chase Davis of The Houston Chronicle found that elected officials might have accepted contributions in violation of a city ordinance. The ordinance prohibits "donations from contractors with business before the City Council." Their analysis shows that more than $30,000 was contributed by prohibited donors. ,After learning of the violations, some officials immediately returned the donations. In part, the violations are attributed to the archaic system for identifying ineligible contributors which must all be done manually.
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Campaign finances flow to those in power
Jonathan D. Salant of Bloomberg News reports on the shift in corporate campaign contributions following Democratic wins in the November elections. "During the campaign, the world's second-largest maker of commercial airplanes [Boeing] backed Republican Senator Jim Talent of Missouri with a maximum $10,000 campaign contribution from its political-action committee. Just 17 days after his defeat, the PAC wrote a $5,000 check to Claire McCaskill, the Democrat who beat him." Other companies and financial institutions made similar moves with their campaign contributions having backed the defeated incumbents prior to the election.
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November 06, 2006

Campaign finance at the local level
As the election nears, it's nice to see a collection of state-level campaign finance stories, since most of the attention is on the federal races. Among the recent examples is a St. Louis Post-Dispatch piece on electric utility donations to state lawmakers and a story on gubernatorial donors related to the Trans-Texas Corridor in the San Antonio Express-News (nice to see bylines for researcher Julie Domel and database editor Kelly Guckian). And then there's a New York Times story on contributors switching from Gov. George Pataki to his apparent successor, Attorney General Eliot Spitzer.
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October 31, 2006

Buying the bench with key contributions?
In a series by Salon.com and the Center for Investigative Reporting, Will Evans exposes a money trail that leads from the pockets of judges to coffers of prominent Republicans - including the President. "At least two dozen federal judges appointed by President Bush since 2001 made political contributions to key Republicans or to the president himself while under consideration for their judgeships, government records show." While not illegal, these contributions are ethically questionable due to their potential influence on lifetime appointments to federal courts. "[T]here must be a balance, some ethics scholars and judges say, between that right and the responsibility of those seeking a judicial post to appear impartial. With the judiciary drawing increasing scrutiny and criticism in recent times, the American Bar Association is overhauling its judicial code of conduct to set new recommended ethical guidelines. The draft of the new code, to be voted on this February, would forbid political contributions by judicial candidates."
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October 16, 2006

Power of money
John Cheves of the Lexington Herald-Leader examined Kentucky Republican Sen. Mitch McConnell's career, based on thousands of documents and scores of interviews, to show the nexus between his actions and his donors' agendas. "He pushes the government to help cigarette makers, Las Vegas casinos, the pharmaceutical industry, credit card lenders, coal mine owners and others." Corporate documents made public during litigation suggest a close working relationship between the senator and cigarette-maker lobbyists.
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September 27, 2006

Federal Campaign Consultants
The Center for Public Integrity used federal campaign data to show that "in the 2004 federal races, more than $1.78 billion flowed through a professional corps of consultants whose influence plays an important, though largely unexamined, role in the unrelenting escalation of campaign spending." John Perry and Agustin Armendariz did the data analysis for the project, which used electronic and keypunched expenditure records. The Center also posted a searchable database of consultants.
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September 21, 2006

Corporation skirts contribution limits
Mike McIntire of The New York Times analyzed state campaign finance data to show that "one of the world's largest insurance companies has skirted [state] limits in giving almost 20 times that amount to some of New York's most prominent politicians." New York law limits corporate contributions to $5,000 annually. AIG avoided these limits by using "dozens of obscure subsidiaries to distribute contributions, all drawn from a common A.I.G. bank account...the only clues that the checks came from a common source were that they all had sequential numbers and bore an address of 70 Pine Street in Manhattan, A.I.G.'s headquarters." AIG stands behind its actions say they are in compliance with the State Board of Elections interpretation of the law.
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September 13, 2006

Oklahoma campaign donors ranked
Mick Hinton, Randy Krehbiel and Curtis Killman of the Tulsa World used state campaign finance data to find the top donors to Oklahoma elections during the current cycle. Enid attorney Stephen Jones led the list with $73,600 in contributions this year, followed by energy and real estate executives. The reporters also noted, "Several of those who made the top 10 list did not return calls seeking comment. In the past, their contributions have remained less public before a rule went into effect requiring computerized filing by candidates and political action committees."
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August 21, 2006

"Desert Connections"
Chuck Neubauer and Richard T. Cooper of the Los Angeles Times report on an epic development project in Nevada - a "67-square-mile tract of empty desert will blossom into one of the biggest cities in the fastest-growing state in the country and the projected home to more than 200,000 people." The project is on track largely due to close ties between Senator Harry Reid and developer Harvey Whittemore - a mutually beneficial relationship wherein Reid has used his influence to clear obstacles in the process and Whittemore has made significant campaign contributions to Reid and other Democrats.
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June 27, 2006

Companies find new way to win contracts
Michael Forsythe and Jonathan D. Salant of Bloomberg analyzed Federal Election Commission records and found that a growing number of companies had found "a new business model: locate facilities in lawmakers' districts and shower them with campaign cash. " The companies were taking advantage of lawmakers' increasing penchant for "earmarking,'' which was at the center of the scandal involving a California Republican serving a prison sentence after admitting he took $2.4 million in bribes to help secure defense-company contracts.
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June 08, 2006

Campaign fund paid for trips to Super Bowl, Vegas
Brad Bumsted and Debra Erdley of The Pittsburgh Tribune-Review compiled records from 2,300 receipts filed by Perzel's chief of staff and found that House Speaker Perzel, Pennsylvania General Assembly's top fundraiser, "used campaign cash to treat his chief of staff and both men's sons to Super Bowl trips the past two years." Campaign money also paid a half dozen trips to Las Vegas for them two men and assorted guests including their wives and other lawmakers to takeout food for babysitters and children. The investigation also found that Perzel, who raised $5.2 million in two years when he faced minimal opposition, tapped campaign funds to cut checks for $700,000 to a dozen legislative staffers and family members for campaign costs over a two-year period.
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June 05, 2006

Congressional travel adds up to $50 million
An analysis of more than 25,000 travel disclosure documents over a 5½-year period by the Center for Public Integrity, American Public Media and Northwestern University's Medill News Service found that "members of Congress and their aides took at least 23,000 trips — valued at almost $50 million — financed by private sponsors, many of them corporations, trade associations and nonprofit groups with business on Capitol Hill." While some of these trips no doubt were educational, others appeared to be thinly veiled attempts by special interests to influence lawmakers and their advisers. Also see Top Gun of Travel and Rangel Trip Raises Ethics Questions.
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May 10, 2006

Campaign finance reform plan lacks scope
Kevin Begos and Doug Stanley of The Tampa Tribune analyzed records to show that the campaign finance reform legislation backed by Senate President Tom Lee would have a serious effect on only about 5 percent of soft money groups in the state, leaving vast loopholes in other places. "Of the 816 soft money committees listed with the Division of Elections, 41 are controlled by legislators — the focus of Lee's bill. " The main reforms of Lee's bill are restrictions on links between politicians and soft money committees and increased reporting requirements. Also, politicians wouldn't be able to solicit or accept campaign contributions of more than $500 for the committees they control.
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May 02, 2006

Politicians use leadership PACs for campaign contributions
Deirdre Shesgreenand and Jaimi Dowdell of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch used campaign records to show that leadership PACs, set up separately from regular re-election accounts, are an increasingly popular tool politicians use to rake in extra campaign dollars that they then dole out to their colleagues — usually the party's most vulnerable incumbents or top challengers. "The accounts are a way for elected officials to get around campaign finance limits and wring yet more money out of special interests." In the process, critics contend, the PACs give lawmakers an extra political fund to dip into for travel, consultants and other items that fuel their own ambitions. Lawmakers can use leadership accounts to pay for a wide range of political expenses, including some that have little to do with a PAC's stated purpose of contributing to federal candidates.
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March 17, 2006

Donations from gambling interests rise in Kan.
Steve Painter and Brent D. Wistrom of The Wichita Eagle analyzed campaign reports and found gambling contributions to legislative campaigns over six years were up by more than 300 percent, while the same period saw no change in Kansas' gambling laws. Well-financed gambling interests are waging an increasingly expensive political war over where Kansans will spend their gambling dollars. "Collectively, major gambling interests have given more than $700,000 to House and Senate candidates since 2000 and $98,150 to candidates for statewide office, most of that to Gov. Kathleen Sebelius." Another $123,250 went to party committees that distribute money to candidates. The investigation found that the rapid rise in contributions could be fueled by increasing acceptance of legalized gambling, a supportive governor or close votes on expanded gambling in the Legislature in recent years.
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Badges awarded to campaign contributers
Stuart Pfeifer and Lance Pugmire of the Los Angeles Times investigated Gary Nalbandian, a seemingly political fundraiser in Southern California, and found band of donors have gotten badges and titles from law enforcement officials after raising tens of thousands of dollars. The granting of badges and titles to political supporters creates the appearance that they are rewards for donations. "Although the badges issued by the Riverside County Sheriff's Department and the San Bernardino County district attorney's office are not identical to those used by sworn officers, they bear similar stars or other symbols and official department names. " It is a misdemeanor in California to distribute badges to the public that are likely to be confused with real law enforcement badges. The donors and insiders who received the badges or identification have given more than $150,000 since 1997 to political campaigns.
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Senator's money goes to gifts, meals
Herb Jackson of the North Jersey Media Group analyzed five years' worth of contribution and spending reports to show that, of the nearly $9.4 million Sen. Robert Menendez spent, less than one-quarter — or $2.2 million — went for expenses that most voters would consider actual campaigning, such as advertising, yard signs and bumper stickers. The $1.1 million spent on pollsters, media gurus, lawyers and other consultants was found to be only 35 percent of all expenditures. He spent more than $80,000 at a downtown Washington restaurant, in addition to hiring bands, renting halls and buying gifts and theater tickets for donors. "And the dinner tabs were just one of the expenses of what is essentially a small business whose revenues topped $3.4 million last year alone."
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March 10, 2006

Md. churches violate law with political donations
John Fritze of The (Baltimore) Sun reviewed candidate finance reports to show that more than 100 churches in Maryland — including dozens in Baltimore — have made campaign contributions to political candidates in recent years, an act that is prohibited by federal tax law and blurs the line between politics and the pulpit. Some have given repeatedly, such as the Southern Baptist Church in East Baltimore, which made a dozen campaign donations between 2000 and 2004 that add up to more than $3,000. Statewide, at least 115 churches have given to about 40 candidates since 2000, and while the donations are generally small and sporadic, they flout Internal Revenue Service regulations that prohibit churches from advocating for specific political candidates. "Churches that give to candidates can face revocation of their tax-exempt status or a 10 percent excise tax on the contributions, according to the IRS." A variety of candidates from both parties — including many in top leadership positions — have taken money from churches in recent years.
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March 02, 2006

States progress in reform of lobbying laws
Leah Rush and David Jimenez of The Center for Public Integrity report that 24 states have worked to strengthen or improve electronic disclosure systems since the Center's 2003 report, "Hired Guns." Meanwhile, federal lobbying disclosure laws have not changed in the past eight years. Political scandals, in many cases, were the catalyst for changes in state lobbying laws. The Center "evaluated the strength of lobbying disclosure laws nationwide found the federal law to be weaker than those of 47 of the 50 states."
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January 20, 2006

Aide might have violated ethics rules
Thomas Peele of the Contra Costa Times used congressional financial disclosure statements, state and federal campaign finance reports, IRS records, congressional committee and staff disbursement records and other documents to show that Rep. Richard Pombo's top aide, Steven Ding, might have violated congressional ethics rules by not correctly reporting all of his outside political work and making too much money from California campaigns and consultants. "Steven Ding regularly worked for candidates and organizations with close ties to Pombo, a Tracy Republican who is chairman of the House Resources Committee." Despite being chief of staff to the Washington-based Resources Committee, and being paid more than $150,000 a year from the committee's budget, Ding worked primarily from California and commuted to Capitol Hill at taxpayers' expense when the committee was in session.
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January 10, 2006

Congressmen tried to stop investigation
Richard A. Serrano and Stephen Braun of the Los Angeles Times used documents to report that “Reps. John T. Doolittle and Richard W. Pombo joined forces with former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay of Texas to oppose an investigation by federal banking regulators into the affairs of Houston millionaire Charles Hurwitz.” The lawmakers inserted regulatory agency investigation files into the Congressional Record, giving Hurwitz’s attorneys access to them. “Soon afterward, in 2002, the FDIC dropped its case against Hurwitz, who had owned a controlling interest in the United Savings Assn. of Texas. United Savings’ failure was one of the worst of the S&L debacles in the 1980s.”
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November 15, 2005

Troopers with political connections win promotions
Brad Schrade of The Tennessean analyzed three years of the patrol's promotions and proposed promotions to show that two-thirds of Tennessee Highway Patrol officers tapped for promotion under Gov. Phil Bredesen gave money to his campaign or had family or political patrons who did. Among those with such connections, more than half were promoted over troopers who scored better on impartial exams or rankings. "Sixty-two of the promoted officers — 49 percent — contributed or had close family members who contributed to the governor's campaign before they were promoted ". The newspaper demonstrated how the THP is using a promotions loophole to let lesser-qualified candidates advance, a practice now being reviewed by the state personnel department in response to the newspaper's investigation. See web extras which include previous highway patrol coverage, documents online, and a 1966 Tennessean story reproduced to show the history of politics in the Highway Patrol.
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November 07, 2005

Campaign contributions may bolster charges against Delay
Jonathan Salant of Bloomberg Markets analyzed Federal Election Commission records to find the Republican Party's $190,000 in donations to seven Texas politicians in 2002 is five times more than any of the other contributions the national party made to state legislative races that year. "The charges may bolster a prosecutor's accusations that Tom DeLay, who has now been indicted on charges of money laundering, channeled funds through the party to skirt a Texas law banning corporate contributions to political races." The money was distributed by Delay's political action committee, two weeks after the national party got $190,000 from the PAC.
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November 01, 2005

Bush's re-election campaign contributers reap benefits in Ohio
James Drew and Steve Eder with contributions from Mike Wilkinson, Christopher D. Kirkpatrick, Jim Tankersley, and Joshua Boak of The Blade report that the Ohio business leaders and lobbyists who contributed at least $4.1 million to President Bush's re-election campaign last year collected more than $1.2 billion in taxpayer dollars for their companies and clients. The payback also featured choice appointments from state and federal officials, including an ambassadorship to Germany and a seat on the Ohio State University board of trustees. "The fund-raisers included Tom Noe, a former Toledo-area rare-coin dealer who is facing multiple investigations into the state's failed $50 million investment in rare-coin funds. " An analysis of a state expenditure database shows that the state of Ohio paid about $800 million to the companies and lobbying clients of Ohio's 30 Pioneers and Rangers during the last six years.
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October 27, 2005

Suburbs pay for St. Paul's mayoral race in Minn.
Tim Nelson and MaryJo Sylwester of the Saint Paul Pioneer Press analyzed nearly 12,000 campaign contributions to show that St. Paul, Minn., suburbs are paying for most of the mayoral race. According to the analysis, suburban residents have made 52 percent of the campaign contributions to the two general election candidates so far whereas donations from St. Paul residents now account for only 31 percent of the contributions. "All told, nearly 60 percent of the money for the mayoral candidate's re-election comes from the suburbs and just 26 percent of it is from St. Paul. " Experts contend that the suburbs' influence may be as much political as economic and that the voters that are most affected by the mayor's policies may not be seeing the payoff the way people from the suburbs do. See how the data was analyzed.
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October 06, 2005

Hatch leads in money from alcohol interests
Lee Davidson at Salt Lake City's The Deseret Morning News reported that Orrin Hatch, despite being a former Mormon bishop teetotaler, has received more from alcohol interests than any other U.S. Senator this year — and he's among the top five in money from tobacco interests. The Deseret Morning News also searched Federal Election Commission reports filed monthly by political action committees of industry groups to verify data and update it with some more recent donations.
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Maps show campaign contributions in Va.
With the Virginia governor's race just weeks away, the Virginia Public Access Project used mapping technology to create online dynamic maps of campaign contributions received by Virginia's statewide candidates. The map shades contributions by county and city, and links to detailed data on individual donors in those localities.
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September 30, 2005

Mayoral candidates raise money far and wide
Gregory Korte of The Cincinnati Enquirer analyzed campaign finance reports and found that more than half the contributions in a mayoral race comes from outside Cincinnati. There have been fund-raising evemts for the race held in San Francisco, New York City, Denver and Washington, D.C. The analysis also reveals that one candidate relies on larger contributions from more individuals while the other receives donations from industry groups. Maps show where the candidates' contributions come from.
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September 19, 2005

Contributors get the contracts in Ohio
James Drew and Mike Wilkinson of The (Toledo) Blade examine the relationships between Ohio politicians and the businesses that do work for the state's Department of Transportation. "Over the last decade, a Blade investigation shows, those firms have contributed more than $1 million to politicians, political parties, and political action committees. In the last five years, those same firms have received more than $400 million in ODOT contracts." The second part of the three-part series finds that Democratic Columbus Mayor Mike Coleman, a critic of the state's so-called "pay-to-play system," has gotten about 13 percent of his campaign cash from "the same engineers and consultants that have pumped money for years predominately into GOP campaigns in the state."
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August 15, 2005

Very few hold power in Richmond
Staff at the Richmond Times-Dispatch, along with Aaron Kessler used the social network analysis program UCINET and more than 50 interviews to investigate who really wielded power in Richmond, Va. The series includes a story about the four men central to Richmond's power, a story about minorities and how political influence does not equal power, as well as a sidebar on how the series was done. The series includes an interactive network map detailing the Web of power.
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August 11, 2005

State lobbyists spending nears $1 billion
An analysis by The Center for Public Integrity found that lobbyists and their employers in 42 states reported spending nearly $953 million in 2004 attempting to influence state legislators and executive branch officials. That figure is up from the $904 million reported in 2003. "It seems likely that state lobby expenditures will exceed the $1 billion mark this year." The investigation includes a sidebar on methodology and general breakdowns of their findings.
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August 08, 2005

Honorary program gives political insiders cop-like badges
Trent Seibert and Brad Schrade of The Tennessean use state department records to investigate an "honorary captains" program that gives campaign donors, political insiders and friends troop-like badges. "Officials say the program is an atta-boy, a way to recognize people's contributions to the state. But critics say it's an invitation for the well-connected to brandish their influence and avoid getting tickets." The report also found the grandson of a powerful Bredesen supporter was under the impression that the badge was supposed to get him out of a drunken-driving arrest in January in Lauderdale County. Although he waved it at a trooper, he was ticketed. The story includes a sidebar listing recent honorary captain recipients. The governor ended the program in response to The Tennessean story.
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July 26, 2005

Calif. donors use 527 groups to bypass regulations
Ronald Campbell of The Orange County Register analyzed California campaign finance data to find that the top 100 donors gave more than $150 million to candidates and political committees in 2003 and 2004. Donors also helped put California in the stem-cell business. "Some 26 wealthy couples and individuals contributed more than half the campaign money for Proposition 73, the state's $3 billion bet on the biotechnology frontier." Individual donors got around campaign finance legislation by writing their checks to so-called 527 groups, which operate outside normal campaign-finance rules.
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July 11, 2005

Ex-aides use connections to make money
James Drew and Steve Eder of The (Toledo) Blade traced the path of former Ohio state aides-turned-lobbyists who "have traded their official titles for personal riches and the influence that comes with helping select a U.S. president." Some of Gov. Bob Taft's closest aides have gone onto lucrative lobbying and consulting businesses; one "has raked in more than $700,000 in state and federal lobbying deals and political consulting fees since the business opened two years ago."
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July 07, 2005

Drug lobby spends millions to influence legislation
A team from The Center for Public Integrity reports on spending by the pharmaceutical and health products industry on lobbyists. "The drug industry's huge investments in Washington — though meager compared to the profits they make — have paid off handsomely, resulting in a series of favorable laws on Capitol Hill and tens of billions of dollars in additional profits." Pharmaceutical companies spent nearly $116 million lobbying the government, a figure not uncommon for the industry. "In 2004, drug makers upped their reported expenditures on lobbyists to $123 million, a record amount for the industry."
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July 05, 2005

Analysis finds atypical campaign finance expenditures
Michael Cass of The Tennessean reports on an analysis of 2004 disclosure forms for all Tennessee legislators, which found political expenses in places not typically incurred. One expense was for "$1,414 to Interstate Liquors by Sen. Jerry Cooper, D-McMinnville." The story includes detailed sidebars outlining what the law says, how to follow the money and personal spending of campaign finances.
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July 01, 2005

Companies tied to bureau donate heavily to Republicans
Mark Naymik and Joseph L. Wagner of The (Cleveland) Plain Dealer analyzed state campaign contributions to show that "top Ohio Republican officials and political committees have received millions of dollars in campaign contributions from companies managing money for the Bureau of Workers' Compensation. Almost two-thirds of the 212 companies hired by the bureau to invest its money gave a total of nearly $5 million to Republicans and their causes while virtually ignoring Democrats from Jan. 1, 1997, through 2004." Gov. Bob Taft, who had two campaigns during that period, was the leading recipient of money from those companies.
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June 29, 2005

Contribution through multiple companies help corporate donors elude limit
Ben Smith of The Atlanta Journal-Constitution analyzed campaign contributions to Gwinnett County commission races in the past two years, finding that "thousands of dollars in donations from companies sharing common addresses and company executives that appear to violate campaign contribution limits. Among them: nine companies headed by two developers whose firms gave to former Commission Chairman Wayne Hill. The contributions, in one case, amounted to twice the donations Hill could legally collect from a single source, and in the other, nearly three times the limit." The donors involved said they were unaware that state law prohibits the practice.
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June 23, 2005

Lobbyists use nonprofits to finance congressional travel
Bob Williams and Stephen Henn of the Center for Public Integrity investigate lobbyists who sit on the governing boards of nonprofits. Lobbyists are not supposed to pay for congressional travel, but the investigation found "that a favored way to evade the prohibition on picking up the tab is to do so through charitable non-profits..." The investigation includes a map detailing the most popular congressional junket locations, a list of the top companies and lobbying firms, and a summary of their findings.
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June 22, 2005

Private interests pay for state officials' trips
David White of The Birmingham News used state records to show that since November 2002, more than 20 state lawmakers and executive officials have taken trips paid for by private interests. "Lawmakers took trips to places such as Australia, the Bahamas and California and got tickets for the Sugar Bowl in New Orleans and the Talladega Superspeedway." Reports of the trips are filed with Alabama's Ethics Commission if the cost exceeds $250 a day per person.
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June 16, 2005

Congressman's sale of home to contractor questioned
Marcus Stern of the San Diego Union-Tribune investigates a defense contractor's relationship with U.S. Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham and how the contractor "took a $700,000 loss on the purchase of the congressman's Del Mar house while the congressman, a member of the influential defense appropriations subcommittee, was supporting the contractor's efforts to get tens of millions of dollars in contracts from the Pentagon."
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June 14, 2005

Ex-con funds retirement with leftover campaign money
Ted Sherman of The (Newark) Star-Ledger reports on how former Essex County Executive Tom D'Alessio, after serving time on political corruption charges, converted leftover campaign funds into a non-profit foundation that helps support his retirement. "Last year, the foundation reported it gave out $37,750 in contributions of $500 or so to dozens of organizations like the March of Dimes, the United Way and the Boy Scouts. It also paid D'Alessio an $81,708 salary as executive director, leased a $45,665 Mercedes-Benz for him and purchased a $432,000 luxury condominium on Marco Island along Florida's Gulf Coast." New Jersey law permits the practice even though it bars former political candidates from simply taking leftover funds.
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June 13, 2005

Overpayments, conflict of interest plague juvenile system
The Detroit News investigates a juvenile system plagued with overpayments and conflicts of interest. Using court filings and campaign records, Joel Kurth reports on findings, which include allegations of payments for fictitious youths, relatives of some county officials benefited from contracts, more than $300,000 in overpayments to contractors and hackers accessed a computer system used to verify bills.
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Private money funds legislators' trips
James R. Carroll of The (Louisville) Courier-Journal examined congressional travel records for Kentucky and Southern Indiana to show that "in a little more than nine years, the cost of privately paid trips for lawmakers in the area and their aides totaled nearly $1.5 million." Two Kentucky lawmakers have suspended such travel after the recent spate of stories disclosing details about the trips.
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June 02, 2005

Amnesty execs contribute maximum to Kerry
Rowan Scarborough of The Washington Times used Federal Election Commission records finding that the top leadership of Amnesty International contributed the maximum of $2,000 to Sen. John Kerry's presidential campaign. Amnesty International describes itself as nonpartisan. William F. Schulz, executive director of Amnesty USA and Joe W. "Chip" Pitts III, board chairman of Amnesty International USA, "gave the maximum $2,000 allowed by federal law to John Kerry for President."
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May 26, 2005

Sheriff deputized friends, family, supporters
Christine Hanley of the Los Angeles Times reports on an Orange County Sheriff who deputized friends, family and political supporters. "Of the original 86 reserve deputies, 29 had contributed to Carona's inaugural election campaign in 1998 and his re-election campaign in 2002." The Times used hundreds of documents received through public records requests and provided by other sources, along with interviews to uncover the appointments, which were rushed to avoid tougher training requirements.
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May 20, 2005

State senator makes big bucks with bank
Craig R. McCoy, Jennifer Lin and Mario F. Cattabiani of The Philadelphia Inquirer detailed the relationship between state Sen. Vincent J. Fumo and the bank he heads, finding that "PSB Bancorp Inc. has served one man especially well: its chairman, Sen. Fumo. The bank paid Fumo $709,800 last year. For a few years, it provided him a Mercedes-Benz roadster. He also has received $950,000 in reduced-rate loans, a 'golden parachute' estimated at $4.2 million to $6.4 million if the bank is sold, and stock worth millions more." Fumo helped the bank grow from a single office to 13 branches in the Philadelphia area, and the board includes "the manager of Fumo's South Philadelphia legislative office, his biggest campaign donor, and a city councilman whose campaigns are heavily financed by Fumo's campaign funds." Fumo and PSB Bancorp declined to respond to the paper's inquiries, citing "the unadulterated bias that the Inquirer has shown toward Senator Fumo and PSB Bancorp."
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May 17, 2005

Delay gives more to colleagues than any other legislator
Jonathan Salant of Bloomberg Markets analyzed Federal Election Commission records finding that House Majority Leader Tom Delay "gave more money to U.S. congressional candidates than any lawmaker in the last decade ... the Texas representative has contributed $3.5 million to 432 congressional candidates ..." After Delay, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi is next in helping out colleagues.
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Front-runner grabs majority of contributions
Andrew Conte and Mark Houser of the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review analyzed and mapped campaign contributions for the Pittsburgh mayoral race. They found that "nearly two-thirds of the $1.2 million raised by front-runner Bob O'Connor ... has come from outside the city." A lot of O'Conner's contributions were found to have come in large chunks. The story also features a graphic detailing the analysis.
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May 13, 2005

Special interest groups paying for congressional travel
Jeff Zeleny, Mike Dorning and Michael Tackett of the Chicago Tribune reviewed travel records for Illinois' congressional delegation, finding that "at least 835 trips taken by either Illinois Congress members or their staff highlight the uneasy intersection between private dollars and public policy that raises questions about whether a special interest group is trying to influence legislation. And there is little enforcement considering lawmakers file reports within Congress." The paper found that two Chicago Democrats had not filed any reports since 2000, despite taking at least 30 trips between them.
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May 09, 2005

State legislators spend lavishly due to leeway in laws
Jennifer Dixon and Victoria Turk of The Detroit Free Press used state campaign finance records to show that "Michigan legislators have dipped into campaign cash to buy cars, jewelry, expensive gifts and entertainment in possible violation of federal tax codes." The IRS is investigating whether the spending, which lawmakers defend as necessary, constitutes a personal benefit. One state senator "has spent roughly $64,000 in campaign contributions to buy a sedan and a sport utility vehicle, new tires, insurance and license plate tags, and to pay for repairs."
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May 06, 2005

U.S. legislative leaders take frequent trips on corporate jets
R. Jeffrey Smith and Derek Willis from The Washington Post analyzed federal campaign expenditure records to find that top congressional leaders "flew on corporate-owned jets at least 360 times from January 2001 to December 2004." Members of both parties took part in the practice, although leading Republicans flew more often than Democrats. "The records show that flights were provided by some of Washington's largest corporate interests, including tobacco, telecommunications, business consulting, securities, air transport, insurance, pharmaceutical, railroad and food companies."
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May 02, 2005

Governor took gifts from lobbyists
James Salzer of The Atlanta Journal-Constitution used state records to show that "Gov. Sonny Perdue has championed limiting the gifts that lobbyists can give legislators and other state officials, but he has accepted airplane rides, NASCAR tickets and dinners from lobbyists." Among the gifts was a 30-mile flight to Atlanta Motor Speedway and dinner and drinks from a tobacco lobbyist.
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April 14, 2005

House members hire family, pay with campaign funds
Larry Margasak and Sharon Theimer of the Associated Press reviewed federal campaign filings to find that "dozens of lawmakers have hired their spouses and children to work for their campaigns and political groups, paying them with contributions they've collected from special interests and other donors." The AP identified about 50 House members who pay their spouses or children to work on campaigns and raise money for them. Similarly, Richard Simon, Chuck Neubauer and Rone Tempest of the Los Angeles Times found that "at least 39 members of Congress have engaged in the controversial practice of paying their spouses, children or other relatives out of campaign funds." Both stories were possible because House members file electronic reports; senators do not.
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April 06, 2005

Homemakers top political donors in New York City
Mike McIntire of The New York Times has a piece on the most common of New York City political donors - homemakers. "Among the elite group of about 600 people who have contributed the maximum to candidates for citywide offices in the November election, 62 described themselves as homemakers or housewives, an analysis of campaign finance data shows. They edged out chief executives and company presidents, who together numbered 60, as well as lawyers (57), real estate professionals (41) and celebrities, whose ranks include Oscar de la Renta, Tommy Hilfiger and Magic Johnson."
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March 29, 2005

Governor's office political dealings in question
Alan Judd of The Atlanta-Jounal Constitution investigated claims that the Georgia governor's office put heat on the state's consumer regulatory office over dealings with a major car dealership and donor to the governor's campaign. "In the Bill Heard Chevrolet case, Hills' inquiry became a key point in a series of events that, Smith says, undermined the agency's already limited authority." The story uncovers numerous accounts of collaboration between the governor's office and the dealership, that eventually led to the firing of the consumer agency's chief, just months away from reaching retirement.
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March 16, 2005

PACs make up large chunk of campaign contributions
Jennifer Talhelm of The (Columbia) State reviewed campaign contributions to South Carolina state lawmakers during the final six months of 2004, finding that "36 cents of every dollar ... given to House and Senate lawmakers in the last two reporting periods of 2004 was tied to businesses, PACs or other special interest groups. During that time, a third of lawmakers raised all or almost all their campaign money from such groups. PACs and businesses legally can give up to $1,000 per election."
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February 17, 2005

High donations pour in through campaign finance loophole
Michael Cooper of The New York Times found gaps in New York's campaign finance laws. "Local parties can still accept unlimited corporate donations to their so-called housekeeping committees, which have few restrictions on how they can spend the money." The Times uncovered a growing number of corporate donors topping the $100,000 mark, well above the $5,000 corporate limit for state campaigns. "Several election lawyers said that sending money directly from housekeeping accounts to individual campaigns appeared to be illegal. But Lee K. Daghlian, a spokesman for the State Board of Elections, said the law does not specifically prohibit such transfers, so they are permissible in some cases, as long as they do not violate contribution limits."
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February 15, 2005

Google staff contributions favor Democrats
Jim Hopkins from USA Today looked into campaign contributions by employees for Google Inc. and found that most of the money donated by employees is going to the Democrats. "Google employees gave $207,650 to federal candidates for last year's elections, up from just $250 in 2000 when it was still a start-up." Neither party has been able to woo over Google, Inc. founders Larry Page and Sergey Brin. "Their company shares are worth $7.2 billion each. Yet federal campaign finance data do not show a single contribution from either one last year."
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February 11, 2005

Campaign contributions still high despite law
David S. Bernstein of The Boston Phoenix analyzed campaign contributions to Massachusetts state legislative candidates, finding that "of the 650 registered lobbyists and 167 active PACs in the state, just 20 prominent lobbying firms and 10 large PACs collectively pumped more than $1 million into legislative candidates' war chests in the past two years. And of the 1000 lobbying interests on Beacon Hill, a mere two dozen of them are responsible for about $20 million, or a fifth, of total lobbying expenditures."
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February 10, 2005

Missing Indian campaign contributions leads to lobbyist investigation
Jon Kamman of The Arizona Republic compared tribal records with federal campaign contributions to find that "about $70,000 in political contributions are unaccounted for after a Texas Indian tribe sent them to a since-disgraced lobbyist to distribute." The missing checks, which have been cashed, were meant for the campaign committees or leadership PACs of more than two dozen members of Congress. The former lobbyist, Jack Abramoff, is under federal investigation.
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February 02, 2005

Taxpayer money used to repay loan on senator's land
Chris Casteel and Tony Thornton of The Oklahoman used federal campaign finance data and local property records to show that "Oklahoma taxpayer money was used in 2002 to buy property in McAlester from then-state Sen. Gene Stipe, a transaction that allowed him to repay a $50,000 loan that had been illegally funneled into the 1998 congressional campaign of Walt Roberts." The price was more than double the property's assessed value at the time. "Taxpayer money was directed to the project from the city of McAlester and from the state, when Stipe was still a powerful senator."
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January 27, 2005

Congressional travel soars despite regulations
A team of graduate students from Northwestern's Medill School of Journalism, along with Marketplace and American RadioWorks, researched congressional perks to see if recent regulations have cut down on lobbysits' lavish expenditures. What they found was there has been a significant decrease in expenditures, but not when it comes to travel. More than $14 million was spent by corporations, universities and other institutions, "sending representatives around the world, for sometimes questionable reasons." Their research details how the process works, who is benefiting from it and who the "king of travel" is. The group also has compiled data detailing individual expenditures, as well as breakdowns based on party affiliation and the top beneficiaries and spenders.
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Consultants benefit from relationship with senator
Christian Berthelsen, Jim Herron Zamora and Todd Wallack of the San Francisco Chronicle used state campaign finance records to show that four political consultants have benefited from their association with state Sen. Don Perata: "they have collectively grossed $1.4 million from campaigns and political funds associated with Perata over the last 10 years." In addition, Perata has had business relationships with some of the same consultants yet has disclosed "far less about his outside work" than other prominent legislators. "Starting in 2001, Perata changed the way he did business. Instead of having several clients, all disclosed, he had a single client — Timothy Staples. And state law does not require him to be specific about his work for Staples."
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December 23, 2004

Donors find loophole in N.J. rules
Shannon Harrington of The Record in Bergen County, N.J., finds that "political fund-raisers are already bypassing New Jersey's much-touted campaign finance reform" that went into effect Oct. 15. According to the new rules, "any engineer, accountant or other government vendor who contributes to the governor's campaign account — or to the political party committees at both the state and county levels — is banned from receiving state contracts in excess of $17,500. The loophole is that municipal committees are not covered by the order." Harrington reports that in Bergen County, the Democrats are "funneling hundreds of thousands of dollars through the towns."
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November 23, 2004

Politician's family was on payroll
Dunstan McNichol of The (Newark, N.J.) Star-Ledger studied state records relating to Assemblyman Anthony Impreveduto, finding that the Hudson Democrat "paid his daughter, sister and other family members $238,000 of the $304,000 in taxpayer funds he received to staff his district office." The paper also found other potential misuses of campaign money, episodes in which Impreveduto:
  • Used $120,000 of the $247,800 he raised in campaign donations to reimburse undefined "expenses" charged to a collection of personal American Express cards.
  • Paid more than $33,000 in campaign and office funds to family members who are tenants of two Secaucus houses that generate income for his household. These same family members also were paid $50,000 from his district office account.
  • Raised three-fourths of his campaign war chest from special interests with bills pending before the Assembly committee he chaired.

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November 08, 2004

Lobbyist gifts pour into governor's office
Miriam Pawel and Peter Nicholas of the Los Angeles Times reviewed of thousands of state lobbying reports to find that large corporations and business groups, many with strong ties to Gov. Schwarzenegger's administration, account for virtually all of the tickets to sporting events, dinners and receptions handed out to Schwarzenegger aides. The Times' analysis found several instances where high-ranking officials skirted state gift limits.
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October 28, 2004

Sports owners donate millions to candidates
Michael Hiestand of USA Today, with assistance from a number of other staffers, surveyed the political contribution habits of professional sports team owners, finding that "NFL, NBA, NHL, Major League Baseball and NASCAR Nextel Cup team owners, commissioners and spouses contributed at least $14.6 million to national political candidates, parties and other political advocacy groups in the two years leading into Tuesday's election." Just four individuals - owners of the San Diego Chargers, Orlando Magic, Houston Texans and Cincinnati Reds - accounted for about 71 percent of the donations.
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October 26, 2004

N.J. system rewards donors, party bosses
A five-day series by Asbury Park Press's Paul D'Ambrosio, Jason Method, James W. Prado Roberts, Erik Shwartz and others from seven Gannett daily newspapers in New Jersey explores the players behind the scenes who control the state's politics. The reporters found the boss system has grown to such proportions in New Jersey that politics is less about public issues and more about rewarding campaign contributors and the bosses with public contracts. "This souped-up version of 19th-century politics has left New Jersey as the last state that relies heavily on party bosses to control elections, redistricting, partronage jobs and much of state, county and local government."
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October 19, 2004

N.Y. leaders spend secret funds
Michelle Breidenbach and Mike McAndrew of The (Syracuse, N.Y.) Post-Standard examined New York's state government and found the state's top three leaders have borrowed $1.2 billion over the past seven years to pay for things such as museums and tourist attractions, with little public scrutiny. The three-day series tells "the story of a system that turns its back on the state constitution, solidifies power among the few, rewards friends and campaign contributors, encourages rank-and-file legislators to operate under a veil of ignorance, and deepens the hole for the state with the highest debt per person in the union." Other contributors to the story include Data Editor Jeff Rea, Researcher Bonnie Ross and Project Editor John Lammers.
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September 22, 2004

Mass. governor turns to corporate donors
Frank Phillips, Emma Stickgold and Bill Dedman of The Boston Globe studied the fund-raising practices of Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney and the state Republican Party, finding that "Romney and his GOP operatives are sidestepping the cap that limits an individual donation to a candidate to $500 a year and are using what advocates of campaign-finance change say are seriously flawed loopholes in the state and federal laws to allow individuals to donate a total of $15,000 to two committees run by the state Republican Party."
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Enclave quietly leads Bay Area's presidential fund raising
Todd Wallack of the San Francisco Chronicle used campaign finance data to show that "President Bush and Sen. John Kerry have raised more money in the 94062 ZIP code (an affluent area south of San Francisco which includes much of Woodside and part of Redwood City) than any other corner of the Bay Area." Including contributions to the national parties, the Woodside area has given more than $838,000 to the presidential race. Republicans got fewer checks than Democrats, but those checks tended to be larger. "ZIP code 94062 would loom even larger on the political map if donor totals also included contributions to independent political committees, such as Moveon.org, which are exempt from federal campaign limits. Andy Rappaport, the Woodside venture capitalist, and his wife, Deborah, have pledged $4.2 million to such groups, making them among the country's biggest donors."
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September 10, 2004

Calif. donors send money out of state
Lisa Vorderbrueggen of the Contra Costa Times analyzed federal campaign finance data to find that California donors contribute to many causes outside the state. "Eight dollars of every $10 that Californians gave in campaign donations left the state, with more than 60 percent of the exported cash going to Democrats. Only six states sent a larger percentage of their donations outside their boundaries."
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August 27, 2004

Legislators pass money to candidates
Paul Carrier of the Portland (Maine) Press Herald used state campaign finance records to show that "twenty state legislators using taxpayer dollars to pay for their re-election campaigns are accepting private contributions from special-interest groups to help finance the campaigns of other political candidates." The 20 leadership PACs raised more than $350,000 through mid-July, "even though the same lawmakers are prohibited by law from accepting private money for their own campaigns." Maine's Clean Election Act permits the use of privately financed PACs by publicly funded candidates.
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August 11, 2004

Questionable donations made to Calif. official's campaign
Vanessa Hua and Christian Berthelsen of the San Francisco Chronicle report that a "nonprofit group paid $108,000 from a state grant to two individuals and two companies who then made donations of nearly identical amounts to Kevin Shelley's successful 2002 campaign for California secretary of state." The money was intended to build a community center, but the center was never built. Following publication of the story, Shelley called for an investigation and said he would put the money into an escrow account until the investigation is complete.
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August 02, 2004

Mo. governor routes money through parties
Virginia Young of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch writes about a method of campaign fundraising that permitted Gov. Bob Holden to raise about $400,000 in July by routing contributions through local parties. "Holden asks unions and other supporters to donate unlimited amounts to various local party committees. After donors send checks, Holden asks the committees to contribute to him. They either send him checks or pay some of his campaign expenses. Often, the money goes to Holden for Governor the same day the party receives the donation. But as long as contributors don't earmark their party donations for a specific candidate, it is all legal, according to the ethics commission." The limit on candidate contributions in Missouri is $1,200.
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July 28, 2004

527 donors top list of Washington's contributors
David Postman and Justin Mayo of The Seattle Times compiled the list of Washington's 50 biggest political contributors in this election cycle, finding that "Democrats dominate the list of top donors even more than Washington's generally liberal bent would suggest." Some of the largest donors have given generously to independent political groups opposed to the re-election of President Bush. "Most of the top 10 contributors also are active philanthropists and say they see a merging of their charitable and political giving."
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July 27, 2004

Kerry's historic fundraising effort attracts new donors
Thomas B. Edsall, James V. Grimaldi and Alice R. Crites of The Washington Post reviewed the fund-raising operation of Sen. John Kerry, finding that the presidential candidate "has created the most effective fundraising machine in Democratic Party history by tapping disparate interests — trial lawyers, financial services executives, social liberals, teachers, Hollywood figures and others — united by their antipathy to President Bush." Lawyers in particular are a key component of Kerry's money network, along with credit card donations over the Internet. He also has been able to attract new donors: "A review of federal campaign contributions of the big Kerry fundraisers shows that one-third of them have not made more than $20,000 in campaign contributions since 1990."
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July 23, 2004

Companies fund N.M. governor's convention expenses
Barry Massey of The Associated Press reports that "companies that helped arrange financing for Gov. Bill Richardson's $1.6 billion transportation program are the top contributors to a newly formed political committee affiliated with the governor." The committee, Si Se Puede! Boston 2004, is picking up costs related to the Democratic convention by Richardson's political staff and has raised $191,000 so far. "Slightly more than two-thirds of the contributions — $130,000 — came from companies that helped put together a complex bond financing program earlier this year for the administration's transportation plan, which is called GRIP — Governor Richardson's Investment Partnership."
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July 21, 2004

FEC data reveals Bush, Kerry neighborhoods
Bill Toland of Pittsburgh Post-Gazette analyzed Federal Election Commission data to find the areas around Pittsburgh that have provided the most money to President George W. Bush and Sen. John F. Kerry, his Democratic rival. "This election-year snapshot, compiled by reviewing thousands of campaign contribution records, shows that if you're Kerry, the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, you stop in Squirrel Hill. People who live there have sent more than 100 checks to the Kerry campaign in the past 18 months. And if you're Bush, you charge straight into Kerry's home away from home, Fox Chapel, where Teresa Heinz Kerry's farm estate is surrounded by friendly Republican donors — about 80 of the 115 total Fox Chapel contributors through May 1 wrote checks for Bush."
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July 07, 2004

Top dozen donors in N.C. favored Democrats
Jim Morrill and Adam Bell of The Charlotte Observer used Federal Election Commission data to find the 12 individuals and families living in the Carolinas who have donated the most to federal campaigns in the current cycle. "Their donations were part of the $34.5 million Carolinians gave federal candidates, party groups and political action committees from January 2003 through mid-May." The largest recipient was President Bush's re-election campaign, but money also went to North Carolina's Senate race and as far away as the Wyoming Republican Party. Most of the top 12 favored Democratic candidates and causes.
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June 18, 2004

Campaign donors earn millions in no-bid contracts
Joe Donohue and Jeff Whalen of The (Newark) Star-Ledger used state data to find that "Democratic campaign contributors earned $604 million through no-bid contracts from the state's biggest authorities during Gov. James E. McGreevey's first two years in office." Those donors gave more than $10 million to New Jersey Democrats since 2000, against less than $1 million to Republicans.
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Developer gets contracts despite bad checks to politicians
Ted Rohrlich and Ralph Frammolino of the Los Angeles Times reviewed legal and campaign records to find that subsidized housing developer Christopher Hammond continues to get government contracts despite his habit of writing bad checks to Los Angeles politicians. "A review of court and campaign records and interviews by the Times turned up three dozen instances in which he or his companies bounced checks from 1999 through 2003 totaling more than $200,000. A majority of those were written in 2001, when Hammond said he became overextended. Three times, Hammond agreed to settle lawsuits over bad debts, only to bounce the settlement checks." Hammond and his primary company, Capital Vision Equities, owe more than half a million in unpaid federal and state taxes dating back 15 years.
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June 14, 2004

Contractors contribute millions to campaigns
The Asbury Park Press investigates how local contractors are winning no-bid government jobs by funneling millions of dollars to the campaigns of elected officials. Investigations Editor Paul D'Ambrosio and Projects Reporter James W. Prado Roberts looked at billions of dollars in government contracts and hundreds of thousands of political contributors over several years. Among the paper's findings was that "more than half of the estimated $61 million raised by political committees for last year's legislative and county elections came from companies and law firms."
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May 27, 2004

Racial divide in Ga. candidates
Ben Smith of The Atlanta Journal-Constitution used state voting data and campaign Web sites to find that "African-Americans and other minorities could be a couple of elections away from becoming a majority among Democratic candidates running for the General Assembly. The Republican slate, meanwhile, is becoming increasingly white and male." Two-thirds of white men running as legislative candidates are Republicans, and the increase in white male Republicans has been the greatest among GOP hopefuls.
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May 21, 2004

Lawyers help fund Ohio legislator's campaign
Ted Wendling and Sandy Theis of The (Cleveland) Plain Dealer report that Ohio House Speaker Larry Householder once referred to the state's trial lawyers as "jackals" but now seems more comfortable with them: the group hired Householder's former chief of staff and "some trial lawyers who had been giving a majority of their campaign donations to Democrats began shifting their money to Republicans, with Householder the principal beneficiary." An umbrella group for trial lawyers, the Alliance for Civil Justice, also donated to the speaker. "A Plain Dealer review of contributions from alliance members and their spouses last year found more than $136,000 in additional donations to Householder's campaign."
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May 19, 2004

Law firms that donate to LA officials get city business
Patrick McGreevy of the Los Angeles Times used city billing and campaign finance data to show that Los Angeles is spending twice as much as it did five years ago on outside legal help, and that "50 of those firms and their attorneys have poured hundreds of thousands of dollars into the campaign coffers of Mayor James K. Hahn and City Atty. Rocky Delgadillo, who have had key roles in deciding how much legal work to farm out and who should get the business." Hahn and Delgadillo denied that any favorable treatment had taken place, even though "in many cases, the records show, contracts were approved or expanded by the city within weeks of a political fundraiser held by the benefiting law firm."
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May 17, 2004

Bush fundraisers get jobs in administration
Thomas B. Edsall, Sarah Cohen and James V. Grimaldi of The Washington Post have a two-part series on the top fundraisers for President Bush's campaign, known as Pioneers and Rangers. "Of the 246 fundraisers identified by The Post as Pioneers in the 2000 campaign, 104 — or slightly more than 40 percent — ended up in a job or an appointment. A study by The Washington Post, partly using information compiled by Texans for Public Justice, which is planning to release a separate study of the Pioneers this week, found that 23 Pioneers were named as ambassadors and three were named to the Cabinet: Donald L. Evans at the Commerce Department, Elaine L. Chao at Labor and Tom Ridge at Homeland Security. At least 37 Pioneers were named to postelection transition teams, which helped place political appointees into key regulatory positions affecting industry." About a fifth of the 2000 Pioneers work as lobbyists, and about half are top corporate executives. The paper posted a graphic depicting the "spheres of influence" around Bush's candidacy. The second story examines Richard T. Farmer, CEO of Cintas and a top giver to GOP candidates and committees, and the laundry industry's role in a regulatory action that saved it millions.
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May 13, 2004

More states up for grab in presidential election
Adam Nagourney and Matthew Ericson of The New York Times used Federal Election Commission data to identify where President Bush and Sen. John Kerry are spending the most money. The story shows that more states than usual are in play in this presidential campaign. "In addition to the 16 most competitive states, those won by less than six percentage points in the last election, the parties are focusing on a number of other states that they think may also be up for grabs." Graphics for the story include maps of the country identifying the significance of each state based on electoral votes and what states are up for grabs.
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April 15, 2004

Bush-Cheney Web site drove e-mails to FEC about ruling
Andrew Mollison of Cox News Service performed a statistical analysis on e-mail comments submitted to the Federal Election Commission in advance of a ruling on political committees, finding that "roughly 48 percent arrived through a feature on the Bush-Cheney Web site, where users could sign and e-mail a pre-written message directly to the commission." Cox checked a random sample of 384 e-mails posted by the FEC. About 4 percent of the 142,121 comments consisted of spam or virus-infected messages.
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April 01, 2004

IRE awards three medals
An astonishing story of brutal war crimes by The (Toledo, Ohio) Blade and a book on the American tax system by David Cay Johnston took top honors in the 2003 IRE Awards. In addition, the Freedom of Information Award went to a team from the (Sioux Falls, S.D.) Argus Leader for exposing a massive secret pardons program rife with questions and conflicts for the governor.
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March 29, 2004

Analysis shows where state money comes from
The Center for Public Integrity analyzed contribution and expenditure data reported to state agencies by 229 political party and caucus committees in all 50 states. The analysis finds that "State parties raised nearly $823 million in the 2001-2002 election cycle, bolstered by millions from labor unions, corporations, wealthy individuals and the national parties." The Center found that "seven of every 10 dollars that state party and caucus committees received from the national parties during the 2001-2002 election cycle came in the form of 'soft money' now banned under federal campaign finance law." The Center's team on this project included Derek Willis, Aron Pilhofer, Daniel Lathrop, Robert Morlino, Alexander Cohen, Agustín Armendariz, David Dagan, Joseph Dietrich, Neil Gordon, Natasha Grant, Jennifer Puckett, Susan Schaab and Brooke Williams.
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March 08, 2004

New generation of Fla. lobbyists raise millions
Lucy Morgan of the St. Petersburg Times, with the assistance of five Times researchers, has put together a comprehensive analysis of lobbying in Florida's capital, finding that a new crop of younger lobbyists are giving thousands of dollars to legislative candidates. "Instead of the $25,000 to $40,000 lobbyists were getting from handfuls of clients, the turks and some old-line lobbyists command fees that top $100,000 from each of dozens of clients. Some make as much as $4-million a year." With a bevy of charts listing the top lobbyist donors and spending totals for legislative candidates.
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Texas donors lead Bush fund raising
Wayne Slater of The Dallas Morning News used federal campaign finance data to unearth details of President Bush's top fundraisers, who earn titles depending on how much money they can steer to the campaign. "Texas leads the nation in the number of Pioneers and Rangers with 49, followed by Florida with 47, California at 37 and New York at 31." Pioneers and Rangers from the Lone Star State account for half the $12.6 million Bush has raised from Texas.
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March 01, 2004

Fresno donors familiar to local candidates
Russell Clemings of The Fresno Bee analyzed local campaign finance records to show that the top contributors "share at least one common trait. Their names appear regularly on agendas of the Fresno City Council and the Fresno County Board of Supervisors." Nearly one of every four dollars given to local candidates comes from just 10 donors.
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February 27, 2004

Senator's campaign funds pay for car repairs, tickets
Rick Daysog of the Honolulu Star-Bulletin used state campaign finance records to show that a state senator has spent more than $21,000 since 1996 "to fix, insure and gas up a Dodge 1992 van he personally owned." Last year, Sen. Cal Kawamoto's campaign purchased a $22,500 Subaru truck to replace the older van. State authorities are investigating whether Kawamoto has used campaign funds for personal expenses. The senator said he considered travel he did for various nonprofit and community groups to be part of his campaign activities.
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February 25, 2004

Special interests hire congressional relatives
The Los Angeles Times details the success of a small public relations firm run by the daughter of U.S. Rep. Curt Weldon. Her foreign clients include people trying to get her father's help. It's the latest example of special interests hiring relatives of important members of Congress as lobbyists and consultants. Over the last year, The Times has identified 11 other House members and 17 senators with relatives who lobby or consult, many of them for clients the members have helped through legislative or other action.
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February 10, 2004

City employees have spotty record on repaying advances
Barnett Wright of The Birmingham News tracked Birmingham officials and city employees' record of repaying advance pay for travel, finding that many of them violated policy by failing to reimburse the city within 30 days of the trip or to file prompt reports. "Many of the city employees never paid, including five members of the mayor's office, some with travel delinquencies dating to Jan. 2, 2001." The delinquents included Mayor Bernard Kincaid and five council members. Kincaid settled his accounts a week before last fall's election.
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Milwaukee campaign donations coming from out of city
Greg J. Borowski of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel checked campaign finance records to find that "nearly all of Milwaukee's mayoral candidates are raising more money outside the city than in it." Just two of the ten hopefuls has collected more money from Milwaukee residents and businesses than from outside. Former congressman Tom Barrett has raised the most money and has received the most in $3,000 donations, the maximum allowed by law.
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January 26, 2004

Truck companies linked to campaign contributions
Tim Novak and Steve Warmbir of the Chicago Sun-Times tracked the city's habit of hiring private trucks to haul refuse and other loads, finding that "Mayor Daley's administration spends nearly $40 million a year hiring hundreds of trucks — primarily dump trucks — that often do little or no work." The paper requested bills from six participating companies, noting that many are not listed in the phone book and appear to be run from an owner's home. Chicago officials could not produce records for two of the firms, and the paper pegs the number of trucking companies favored by the city at about 165. "Many are listed on campaign reports showing they contribute money to the mayor and other politicians — in all more than $800,000 since 1996. Over the last five years, more than 25 percent of the Hired Truck money has been spent on firms operating out of the 11th Ward, the mayor's political power base."
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January 13, 2004

Business interests make up bulk of donors to council candidates
David A. Grant of the King County (Wash.) Journal analyzed state campaign finance records to find that "real estate and other business interests dominated a list of a dozen politically plugged-in organizations and individuals who contributed to the campaigns of all four winning City Council candidates last November."
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January 09, 2004

Book examines record campaign fundraising
A new book from Charles Lewis and the Center for Public Integrity, The Buying of the President 2004, looks at who bankrolls Bush and his Democratic rivals for the presidency. It finds that Enron Corp., the Houston-based energy firm that touched off a financial, legal and political scandal when it declared bankruptcy in December 2001, remains the top career patron of President George W. Bush, whose prolific fundraising in 2003 shattered all previous records for candidates. Enron's employees and political action committee have given more than $600,000 to Bush over the course of his political career.
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December 23, 2003

Thousands in donations to sheriff went unreported
Todd Lighty and Mickey Ciokajlo of the Chicago Tribune used internal campaign finance records to show that "Cook County Sheriff Michael Sheahan's campaign committee has failed to disclose thousands of dollars in donations and has hidden contributions made by employees that the sheriff pledged not to accept." In some cases, "$125 money orders bearing the names of Al Capone and Dr. Jack Kevorkian" and contributions made in the names of deputies' ex-wives were recorded by the campaign. "Altogether, there was at least $80,000 in donations from anonymous donors, from employees that were masked in the names of others, or from sources that were not recorded, records show. During the period in question, Sheahan raised more than $2.5 million."
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December 22, 2003

Timber industry tops other interests in campaign contributions
Diane Dietz of The (Eugene, Ore.) Register-Guard examined campaign contributions in local races in Eugene, Springfield and Lane County in the past five years, finding that members of Oregon's timber industry dominated the political landscape. "Together, timber-connected donors have dropped more than $200,000 into local races since 1998, routinely writing $500 or $1,000 checks to their favorite candidates." Development interests ranked second, but many of those donors "are backed by timber fortunes that have diversified over the years." Part of a series on local campaign donors, the paper also described how it collected the data for the stories.
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November 19, 2003

Drug industry spends to influence legislation
Mark Brunswick and Ron Nixon of the Minneapolis Star Tribune report on the pharmaceutical industry's attempts to defeat legislation that "would control prices or allow people to import drugs from across the border." Money spent by an industry trade group on advertising, lobbyists and lobbying activities and campaign contributions add up to more than $2.6 million spent in Minnesota in 2000-02.
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November 17, 2003

Russian candidates linked to businesses
Francesca Mereu of The Moscow Times studied the lists of state Duma candidates put forth by Russia's major parties to find that "roughly 20 percent of the candidates are directly linked to big or medium businesses, with most of them high up on the lists." The paper analyzed lists from United Russia, the Communist Party, Yabloko, the Union of Right Forces and the Liberal Democratic Party of Russia. "One candidate linked to one of the major oil companies, who spoke on condition he not be identified further, said once in the Duma, deputies representing the interests of big oil will try 'to take control of the budget and tax committee to avoid an increased tax burden.'"
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November 07, 2003

Political donations made by contractors examined
In a six-month investigation, The Center for Public Integrity finds that more than 70 companies and people have been awarded contracts for work in Afghanistan and Iraq, and that they have "donated more money to the presidential campaigns of George W. Bush — a little over $500,000 — than to any other politician over the last dozen years." The Center says it has compiled "the most comprehensive list to date of American contractors in the two nations that were attacked in Washington's war on terror."
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November 03, 2003

Democratic donors add to Republican candidate's record fundraising
In advance of Tuesday's gubernatorial election, Tom Loftus of The (Louisville, Ky.) Courier-Journal studied campaign finance records to find that Republican Ernie Fletcher's campaign has been bolstered by "the financial backing of many state contractors who have traditionally supported Democrats." The top 100 contributors to the previous Democratic governor and the state party have given at least $151,200 to Fletcher, compared to $176,650 to Democrat Ben Chandler. "Of the 100, 40 have given exclusively to Chandler, 23 have given exclusively to Fletcher, and 20 have given to both."
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October 21, 2003

Taxpayers foot bill for campaign activities
John M.R. Bull of The (Allentown, Pa.) Morning Call delves into Pennsylvania's "Special Leadership Accounts," taxpayer-funded operations controlled by the majority and minority leaders of the state House. "A Morning Call investigation has revealed that $3.2 million was spent from funds controlled by the top state House Republican and Democrat on an array of services meant to protect incumbents facing re-election last year." Spending from the accounts is detailed in House records and the two party leaders can use the money as they see fit. Some of the expenses: "public service" television spots featuring legislative candidates and consulting services from firms run by friends and relatives of state lawmakers. Democratic House leader H. William DeWeese spent "almost $97,000 in travel bills in 16 months" from his account, many times on a state jet. Another $61,000 paid for a private driver for DeWeese.
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September 29, 2003

Fla. committees raise millions, fail to report
Gary Fineout of the New York Times Regional Newspaper Group in Florida explores some of the state's "committees of continuous existence," political committees formed by legislative leaders that can accept any amount of money and don't always disclose their donors to either state or federal authorities. "What started as a trickle of money into these accounts four years ago has turned into a torrent as nearly every lawmaker in a leadership post, or vying for one, has turned to friends and political allies to set up these accounts." At least $2.8 million has been raised by these CCEs in the past four years, and some of them have failed to file reports with the Internal Revenue Service, as they appear to be required to do.
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September 23, 2003

AP analyzes contributions to House freshmen
Jonathan D. Salant of The Associated Press has a story detailing campaign contributions to 37 House freshmen six months into their first term. All but two of the lawmakers, who sit on three key committees, "got a larger percentage of their PAC money from the industries and unions under their panel's jurisdiction than they had received before getting their committee assignments."
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September 08, 2003

Utilities donated to legislators investigating blackout
Capital Eye, a newsletter produced by the Center for Responsive Politics, reports that legislators now investigating the recent Northeast power blackout have received donations of "more than $7 million from electric utilities over the past 15 years." The largest contributors were a trade group called the National Rural Electric Cooperative Association and Southern Company.
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August 26, 2003

S.C. governor appoints 80 donors to positions
Aaron Gould Sheinin of The State in South Carolina compared campaign finance records with political appointments to find that "Gov. Mark Sanford has appointed twice as many of his political donors to state boards, commissions and agency posts as his predecessor did." Sanford has named more than 80 of his contributors to state positions. Those donors gave more than $360,000 to Sanford's 2002 campaign.
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August 20, 2003

Courthouse donors critical to Party
Clifford J. Levy of The New York Times has an analysis of the finances of the Queens Democratic Party, showing the influence of the local legal establishment: "roughly $200,000, or nearly 40 percent, of the $525,000 raised by the Queens Democratic Party last year came from courthouse donors." Law clerks alone accounted for 10 percent of the party's funds, mostly collected at parties where legal types mingle.
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August 13, 2003

Democrats get rides in National Guard fighter jets
Bill Theobald of The Indianapolis Star reports that the Indiana National Guard has approved flights in an F-16 fighter jet for 11 civilians during the past 21 months, including major Democratic contributors and activists. The Guard's leader, Maj. Gen. George A. Buskirk Jr., is himself a significant contributor to Indiana Democrats. "Since 1997, nine of the 11 riders approved by Buskirk have given Democrats $237,557. He also approved a ride to one Republican contributor, who gave $3,639. The two Democratic donors under the man Buskirk replaced, Maj. Gen. Robert J. Mitchell, gave $24,497."
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July 31, 2003

Okla. lobbyists spend $46,000 on gifts
Nolan Clay of The Oklahoman reviewed state disclosure reports and found that lobbyists "have spent at least $46,000 so far this year on gifts for Oklahoma politicians, their families and their aides." Among the presents were tickets to the NCAA basketball tournament and an Elton John-Billy Joel concert. Just 60 of 400 registered lobbyists accounted for the gifts. (Free registration required.)
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July 29, 2003

Baltimore officials get gifts, free parking
Doug Donovan of The (Baltimore) Sun used public records to illustrate the perks of being elected to the Baltimore City Council. "Public documents and interviews reveal that a majority of council members have hired relatives as paid assistants and the entire council receives gifts, such as free parking and movie passes, not enjoyed by most Baltimoreans." Ten of the 19 members have put a relative on the payroll, and council members get free parking from a garage seeking tax breaks from the city. "Everybody does it, so I didn't know there was anything wrong with it," Councilwoman Pamela V. Carter said. "No one has ever said anything to me that it was against the ethics law."
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July 23, 2003

Nearly all of governor's top staffers donated to campaign
Paul Carrier of the Portland Press Herald reviewed lists of Maine Gov. John Baldacci's top political appointments to find that Baldacci "favors cash-carrying loyalists when hiring people for top jobs in his administration, but not when it comes to filling hundreds of other political appointments in state government." Nearly every top official had given money to Baldacci's 2002 campaign, but just 15 percent of the 287 political appointees hired or kept on by the governor had contributed.
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July 21, 2003

Legislators' votes favor donors' interests
Jonathan D. Salant of The Associated Press combined congressional votes and campaign finance data to determine if voting patterns did follow financial patterns. "In the vast majority of cases, the biggest recipients of interest group money voted the way their donors wanted." Votes on energy, health care and gun manufacturer liability were among those included in the study.
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July 18, 2003

Despite claim, senator received money from lobbyists
Mark Johnson, Adam Bell and Jeff South of The Charlotte Observer checked out Sen. John Edwards' claim that he was not accepting campaign contributions from Washington lobbyists and found that at least four have donated to his presidential bid, and Edwards has no prohibition on state lobbyists giving. The paper compared Edwards' federal filings with lists of registered lobbyists in several large states. "Jennifer Palmieri, Edwards' campaign spokeswoman, said the campaign would return any contributions from Washington lobbyists who are registered for 2003."
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July 17, 2003

Florida political appointees donate to state GOP
Nancy Cook Lauer of the Tallahassee Democrat compared Florida campaign finance records with the list of Gov. Jeb Bush's 3,849 political appointees and found that "18.3 percent contributed $200 or more to him or to the Republican Party of Florida since 1998." Those donors gave more than $1.2 million in contributions during that time span, and $3.6 million when family members and business interests were included. Democratic donors fared less well -- just 42 appointees gave money to the state Democratic party or either of its last two gubernatorial candidates.
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July 16, 2003

Detroit mayor failed to report contributions
Paul Egan of The Detroit News compared state reports of campaign contributions to Detroit Mayor Kwame Kilpatrick's state legislative committee with the records the committee filed and found at least $16,650 in donations unaccounted for by Kilpatrick. "In May, Michigan Secretary of State officials refused Kilpatrick's request to dissolve his state legislative campaign committee because his campaign officials repeatedly have failed to reconcile reporting discrepancies of between $1,400 and $2,900." Kilpatrick's then-treasurer is now his chief of staff.
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San Francisco mayor's fundraiser benefits from relationship
Lance Williams and Patrick Hoge of the San Francisco Chronicle used local campaign finance and nonprofit records to show that Mayor Willie Brown's chief fundraiser "has been paid at least $2.33 million over the past five years by nonprofit groups and political committees controlled by the mayor and his allies." Carolyn Carpeneti, who also is the mother of Brown's 2-year-old daughter, obtained a rent-free office in a city-owned building with Brown's help. After the paper made inquiries about the arrangement, Carpeneti began moving out of the Civic Auditorium. "The mayor's role in obtaining the free office space for Carpeneti pushed the envelope on a state legal ban on gifts of public funds, other critics claimed."
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Troubled phone company tied to top Minn. officials
Tim Huber, Rick Linsk and Hank Shaw of the St. Paul Pioneer Press report that "Some of Minnesota's top Republicans, including Gov. Tim Pawlenty and Auditor Patricia Awada, have had business ties to a Minneapolis-based telephone company accused of cheating consumers in seven states." The company, New Access Communications, paid $222,000 in fines last year after being accused of overcharging or "slamming" customers by improperly switching their telephone service. For two years, Pawlenty was on the board of New Access' parent company. The story is "based on dozens of interviews and thousands of pages of documents, including government files, court records, campaign finance records and company financial documents."
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July 07, 2003

Questions raised about Maryland leader's fundraising committee
Jo Becker, Craig Whitlock and Dan Keating of The Washington Post studied a national Democratic fund-raising committee run by Maryland Senate President Mike Miller, finding that Miller sought money from donors with business interests in his state and that "the committee spent heavily on Maryland races at the expense of Democrats in more competitive battleground states." A review of the Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee's records "paint a picture of a symbiotic relationship between the committee and its chairman that tested the limits of Maryland's campaign finance laws." The FBI is investigating.
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July 03, 2003

Committee members who killed privacy bill got more money
In an analysis of campaign finance records from the last election, Christian Berthelsen and Marshall Kirkland of the San Francisco Chronicle found members of the Assembly Banking and Finance Committee received more than $700,000 from members of the banking and insurance industries. The committee voted against a financial privacy protection bill. "The nine Assembly Banking and Finance Committee members who abstained or voted no in the June 17 hearing received a total of more than $667,000. The three members who voted in favor of it received $37,450 in total. "
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June 27, 2003

Donations tracked to adult entertainment industry
Caitlin Rother of The San Diego Union-Tribune studied local campaign finance reports to find that people affiliated with San Diego's adult entertainment industry often listed vague or incomplete information about their occupations. "For example, people listed as entertainer or waitress on one report would be listed on another as student, homemaker or some other less obvious affiliation. Some donors didn't list an occupation, and several who gave the maximum $250 contribution to more than one candidate listed apartment addresses in less-than-affluent neighborhoods that usually are not home to political donors with cash." The donations were bundled together and delivered by lobbyists for the California Cabaret Association.
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June 23, 2003

Legislators' relatives get work as lobbyists
In the first of a two-part series, Chuck Neubauer, Judy Pasternak and Richard T. Cooper of the Los Angeles Times examined lobbying and disclosure records to find that "at least 17 senators and 11 members of the House have family members who lobby or work as consultants on government relations, most in Washington and often for clients who rely on the related lawmakers' goodwill." A government ethics lawyer quoted by the paper said the 28 relatives it found was probably a low figure. "Without exception, lawmakers contacted by the Los Angeles Times said they had not been influenced by their relatives' business relationships."
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June 16, 2003

New governor creates positions to reward allies
Maryland Gov. Robert Ehrlich "has quietly created new high-paying positions and layers of bureaucracy that, in many cases, reward legislative allies, campaign workers and others who helped him get elected," according to a review of state payroll records by The (Baltimore) Sun (because of a byline strike, the reporter's name was withheld). Dozens of campaign aides, associates and relatives of advisers have landed state posts, some of which were newly created or filled only when a waiver of a hiring freeze policy was granted. A former state legislator who headed Democrats for Ehrlich is one of the hires, along with his top aide -- who works for the lieutenant governor despite being paid from the Department of Natural Resources budget.
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June 10, 2003

Donations to senator went unreported
Rick Daysog of the Honolulu Star-Bulletin did a computer analysis of Hawaii campaign finance records to find that one state senator "did not report more than $20,000 that local companies and unions said they gave to his campaign." The paper studied Democratic Sen. Cal Kawamoto's receipts since 1996 and compared them to records of contributions made by other committees. Kawamoto's campaign finances have become the subject of a state investigation.
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June 05, 2003

Canadian political parties find way around Finances Act
Fred Vallance-Jones, Laurie Monsebraaten and Phinjo Gombu of the Toronto Star investigated the financing of Ontario's political parties, finding that by using local "ridings" they have been able to raise thousands of dollars in excess of the province's Election Finances Act. "The manoeuvre enabled the Progressive Conservatives to raise nearly a million dollars extra in 1999 and 2000. The Liberals, doing the same thing, raised an extra $72,000 in 1999. By collecting large sums and circulating them through ridings, parties have increased the amount they can raise by up to two-thirds."
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May 15, 2003

N.J. Dems get $2.3 million from state contractors
Even as New Jersey Gov. James E. McGreevey seeks to restrict political contributions from state contractors, the state Democratic Party has "raised at least $2.3 million from state contractors -- one of every five dollars it collected" since McGreevey took office, report Jeff Whelan and Joe Donohue of The (Newark, N.J.) Star-Ledger. State contractors can now contribute up to $25,000 a year to state parties and even more to county parties. A spokesman for the governor says he's simply playing by the existing rules.
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May 07, 2003


Contributions from law firms to Sen. John Edwards investigated Sam Dealy, a reporter for The Hill, examined Sen. John Edwards' campaign finance records and found a pattern of giving by low-level employees at law firms, a number of whom appear to have limited financial resources and no prior record of political donations. The story follows reports that the Justice Department is investigating possible campaign violations after a legal assistant in an Arkansas personal injury law firm that gave heavily to Edwards told The Washington Post last month she expected to be reimbursed by the firm for a $2,000 donation she made. Dealy's story notes that no one in any of the firms The Hill talked to said they expected to be reimbursed for contributions.
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April 29, 2003

Company president accused of reimbursing workers' campaign donations
Dion Lefler and Van Williams of the Wichita Eagle investigate an allegation of campaign contribution reimbursement by executives at Cornejo & Sons, a construction company seeking to build and operate a landfill in Sedgwick County. The company and its partner, along with "affiliated firms, employees and their relatives gave more than $60,000 during the past two years to five candidates for Sedgwick County Commission and Wichita mayor." Ron Cornejo "said he could not explain why mayoral candidates received as many as 37 checks from him, his employees, their spouses and company affiliates on the same date, Jan. 29." The state ethics commission has begun an investigation.
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April 28, 2003

$218,000+for+one+judge
Illinois judges rake it in from attorneys

Kevin McDermott of the St. Louis Post Dispatch looked at campaign finance records for Illinois judges in Madison County -- known nationwide for its big jury awards -- and found that lawyers were the most frequent contributors. The analysis also found that judges running for election or retention in Madison County last year averaged more than $100,000 each in campaign receipts. That's three times the roughly $29,000 average the newspaper found for judges statewide and 10 times the $10,000 average in Cook County's crowded judicial system.
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April 21, 2003

Democratic presidential hopefuls benefit from campaign reform
Richard A. Oppel Jr. of The New York Times used data from the FEC and a Public Interest Research Group report to reveal the effect of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform act on fundraising for the Democratic presidential primary. The elimination of large soft money contributions to the parties aside, hard money contributions -- now allowable for up to $2,000 rather than the previous $1,000 -- have increased by 40 percent over what they would have been under the prior system.
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