Resource Center

Stories

The IRE Resource Center is a major research library containing more than 23,250 investigative stories — both print and broadcast.

These stories are searchable online or by contacting the Resource Center directly (573-882-3364 or rescntr@ire.org) where a researcher can help you pinpoint what you need.

Browse or search the tipsheet section of our library below. Stories are not available for download but can be easily ordered by contacting the Resource Center:



Search results for "local officials" ...

  • WSJ China's Troubled Transition

    During his years in China, British businessman Neil Heywood cut a rather eccentric figure, cruising around Beijing in a silver Jaguar with “007” license plates and boasting implausibly about his connections to senior Communist Party officials. When he was found dead in a second-rate provincial hotel room in November 2011—of “excessive alcohol consumption,” according to local authorities—he was immediately cremated and seemingly just as quickly forgotten. Forgotten, that is, until Wall Street Journal reporter Jeremy Page began digging into the case. Using his wide network of local and foreign contacts, the Beijing correspondent discovered that this was much more than a sad case of expat overindulgence. It turned out that Mr. Heywood was in fact very close to the wife of Bo Xilai, a Communist Party rising star—and that he had told friends he feared she might do him harm. The investigation lifted the lid on the extravagant, and often lawless, private lives of the country's elite—a forbidden topic for Chinese media, and one rarely touched on by the foreign press. Mr. Page’s reports, devoured by China’s vast population of Internet users, sparked massive public debate and may even have altered the course of China’s once-a-decade leadership transition.

    Tags: Bo Xilai; China; Communist Party; death

    By Jeremy Page

    Wall Street Journal (New York)

    2012

  • Local officials are likely to profit from fracking in Southern Tier

    Local government officials have been lobbying the state to the controversial oil and gas extraction process known as fracking. But when they spoke at public hearings and pushed in other forums, were they just representing their communities, or did they have more at stake? In a four-month investigation, SUNY New Paltz students reviewed thousands of public records in two states. The investigation found more than 30 locally elected officials who have been outspoken proponents for fracking. Public records and additional examinations identified about 20 percent of those with more than political philosophy at stake — the chance to gain personally and financially. To open government advocates such as Common Cause, these instances raise concerns about transparency and conflicts of interest among locally elected officials. About six months after publication, and after further moves by local officials to press the state to approve fracking, the state attorney general has launched inquiries into whether local officials have violated conflicts of interest.

    Tags: Oil; gas; oil and gas extraction; fracking

    By Andrew Wyrich; Julie Mansmann; Cat Tacopina; Maria Jayne; Pete Spengeman; Brian Coleman; Beth Curran

    Legislative Gazette

    2012

  • Spa shooter sidestepped police

    Following a mass shooting inside a suburban Milwaukee spa, reporters John Diedrich and Gina Barton dug into the history of shooter Radcliffe Haughton with police in his community of Brown Deer. They uncovered a series of failures by police that left a dangerous man on the street, emboldening him to become more violent. Let down by police, Zina Haughton sought protection with a restraining order. She was dead days after it was issued. Diedrich and Barton found Brown Deer did not follow the state’s mandatory arrest law in such cases and failed to uphold its most basic duty: protecting the public. The most remarkable finding was that Brown Deer police actually retreated from a standoff with Haughton even though officers had saw him point what appeared to be a rifle at his wife. The police chief was defiant. Elected officials in Brown Deer deferred to the chief, who operates with little oversight in the village, the reporters found. The case revealed a loophole in state’s domestic violence laws: No one could hold local police accountable for failing to follow the law as designed by legislators. Data reporter Ben Poston joined the effort to examine how many domestic violence cases referred to prosecutors result in charges, thus holding other parts of the criminal justice system accountable.

    Tags: Milwaukee; shooting; gun; murder; police; crime

    By John Diedrich; Gina Barton; Ben Poston

    Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

    2012

  • Grandma can’t accept your call: Inmates disconnected by phone costs

    This series of stories started with a simple question. Why does it cost so much for inmates to make calls from the Cook County Jail? In the course of my reporting on criminal and legal affairs for WBEZ, the public radio station in Chicago, I had heard numerous people complain about the high cost of phone calls. Some digging confirmed that the price could be as high as $15.00 for 15 minute calls. Three or four calls a week at that price gets expensive even for financially stable middle class folks, but the people paying these fees were mostly the poorest residents in Chicago. That’s because most of the people in the Cook County Jail are there because they and their families couldn’t afford to post bond of a couple thousand, or sometimes even just hundreds of dollars to secure their freedom while awaiting trial. They are the people who are least able to afford such expensive phone calls. A few FOIA requests revealed the scheme (and scheme is the right word… I just looked it up: a crafty or secret plan of action). Cook County gave an exclusive phone contract to a company called Securus Technologies. Securus charged inflated phone rates and their exclusive deal in the jail meant inmates wanting to talk to their families or arrange their defense had no choice but to pay the rates. Securus then paid back to the county 57½ percent of the revenue from the calls. It netted the county about $4 million a year. Securus wouldn’t tell us their take but I imagine they did alright too. All of the money was coming out of the pockets of the poorest residents in Cook County, people who couldn’t even afford to post bond for their freedom. (As an aside, this isn’t just an issue in Cook County. According to its website Securus provides the phone systems for 850,000 inmates in 2,200 jails and prisons across the country.) Our reporting shed public light on a hugely profitable contract that no one was paying attention to. We documented the lives of the impoverished people getting hammered by the policy and then turned the hammer on the local elected officials to ask them to explain how this was a good policy. The public officials responded in a way that once again proved the genius of democracy. Our efforts and the results are detailed in subsequent answers below.

    Tags: prison inmates; phone calls; fees

    By Reporter, Robert Wildeboer; Editor, Cate Cahan

    WBEZ Radio (Chicago)

    2012

  • Unsafe, Unsound: School Construction Safety In Colorado

    The Denver Post's series examined several failures that led to closure, for safety concerns, of a new $18.9 million elementary school in rural Northwestern Colorado town of Meeker- and the broader implications for school construction in the state. The DP demonstrated that the design-and-build firm made a series of mistakes and fought back when questioned, that a state official missed a glaring error in reviewing the project, and that the local school board allowed children to attend classes in the building for months, despite being warned about structural deficiencies.

    Tags: elementary schools; construction; meeker; colorado; school officials; structural integrity

    By Eric Gorski, David Olinger

    Denver Post

    2011

  • Workforce Central Florida

    The state's Regional Workforce Boards -- 24 private, nonprofit entities -- receive more than $300 million a year in public money to help put people back to work. The story revealed that the regional agencies handed out millions in business deals to companies owned by or controlled by their own board members. The reporters discovered that local elected officials charged with overseeing the boards had abdicated virtually all their authority, sometimes failing to meet for years at a time.

    Tags: Regional Workforce Boards; public officials; local government

    By Jim Stratton

    Orlando Sentinel

    2011

  • Unfit For Duty

    A nine-part series on how state and local officials handle police misconduct in the state of Florida. The newspaper analyzed more than 22,000 misconduct cases, uncovering that severely troubled officers are frequently still in duty.

    Tags: law; enforcement; misconduct; police; Florida

    By Matthew Doig; Anthony Cormier

    Sarasota Herald-Tribune

    2011

  • Missing from the Bench

    WVUE tracked a local judge who was living hundreds of miles from her judicial bench. The series helped prompt a Federal Grand Jury investigation.

    Tags: judge; judicial system; court; justice; elected official;

    By Lee Zurik; Donny Pearce; Greg Phillips; Mikel Schaefer

    WVUE-TV (New Orleans)

    2010

  • Trip to Nowhere

    On the eve of a vote to raise taxes nearly 10 percent and cut spending, the stories laid out in detail how auto allowances routinely granted to dozens of county officials were not justified by their documented needs. Commissioners, department heads, and 15 of their secretaries and staff were receiving what amounted to bonuses that often exceeded more than 10 times what they could document in obscure but required forms. In a followup story, the county administrator reversed course and said he would study discontinuing auto allowances that exceeded the documented needs for two recently hired county watchdogs who were supposed to guard against waste and abuse. Finally, in a third story, the county acknowledged it had failed to meet states and local requirements to document "typical" mileage before all employees began receiving allowances, and said it would change its policy.

    Tags: Tax; budget cut; finance; documents; fraud; corruption; auto allowances; bonuses; county

    By Charles Elmore; Jennifer Sorentrue; Adam Playford

    Post (Palm Beach, Fla.)

    2010

  • Washington Mardi Gras, Pay to Party

    Local public officials and employees attend D.C. Mardi Gras festivities each year at taxpayer expense. Is it all work or play? Reporters found local government spent more than $80,000 for the festivities in 2009.

    Tags: Mardi Gras; taxpayer; government; city; finance; money; D.C.; Mystick Krewe; civil servants

    By Alison Bath; Adam Kealoha Causey

    Times (Shreveport, La.)

    2010